Dada Movement Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Dada Movement - Essay Example Political affiliations played a conclusive and directive role in the art movements of the times. It was held to be an inviolable rule that the art aught to spring out from the human desperation for assigning some black and white meaning to life and must hence be meaningful and conventional. Elaborate philosophies were built around art movements and art evolved into a highly institutionalized form of self expression. Bourgeois ideas of taste and decorum dominated the art world and artists used to work with a coveting eye on the market value of their art. There was set a standard of beauty and taste and the art was strictly expected to cater to such calibrated specifications. The artistic urge for experimentation had been diluted and subdued over the years and the art was turning out to be a very predictable and complacent aspect of life. Then we had the World War I that mercilessly exposed the sense of waste and nihilism embedded deep in the Western consciousness. The unrestrained violence and mayhem that embodied the spirits of the times gave way to a sense of disillusionment with the established standards of meaning and value. The sacrosanct and well entrenched ideas about ethics and norms simply crumpled before the carnage let loose by the till now invisible human affiliation with violence and rage. The cardinal quest for imbuing life with some sort of meaning and purpose, now seemed to be irrelevant and unrealistically ambitious and arrogant. The set standards of beauty and good taste turned out to be a superficial and artificial faade that simply faded away before the corrosive impact of times and underneath it emerged a scenario dominated by frustration, disappointment and a pathetic loss of hope. I believe that this moment in the European history represented a unique aspect of human consciousness that was the hallmark of those times. Such a frustrated state of human psyche desperately yearned for some sort of artistic expression and release and Dada movement symbolized the human endeavor to give some discernable form to this human obsession with waste and confusion My main objective behind writing this paper is to somehow analyze the genesis and relevance of Dada movement with the local and international communication communities. The world today is as much in danger of being gagged and benumbed by a sense of stagnation and inertia as it was in the times that led to the flowering of Dada movement. Such a crisis gives way to a plethora of queries pertaining to Dada movement. Was Dada movement just a fluke unleashed by the circumstantial desperation or was it a phenomenon built around authentic and desirable aspirations Does Dada movement have any meaning and relevance for the contemporary art lovers Above all, will Dada art succeed in soliciting the reverence and attention from the contemporary connoisseurs or will it unceremoniously succumb to a looming apathy and aversion, which was its fate in the days of the yore. It is said that history repeats itself and much to my surprise, I have discovered that that the contemporary

Asthma Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3750 words

Asthma - Research Paper Example In the US childhood incidence had increases fro 3% to 9% since 1980. Among different ethnic groups in the US, Puerto Ricans have the highest incidence of asthma. African Americans also have a high incidence of this disease. Irish Americans and Hawaiians also have a high incidence of asthma. The lowest incidence is found in the Mexican population. Although the incidence of pediatric asthma is higher in males than in females, the occurrence of this disease is much higher in adult females, who are twice as likely to die of this disease as males. Moreover, the incidence of asthma is higher in lower socioeconomic groups who reside in urban centers. There are two primary forms of this disease: acute and chronic. The acute form of the disease is characterized by the occurrence of in worsening symptoms and unstable bronchial function. The chronic form of the disease is a stable, non-progressing condition (Adam 10). Many patients with asthma vary over time between the two disease states. Asthma can be distinguished from several other major forms of lung disease by means of differential diagnosis. Unlike emphysema which affects the structure and function of the alveoli, the primary site of gaseous exchange in the lung, asthma affects the airways or conductance passage that transport air between the lung tissue and the external opening of the body. Likewise, COPD is an irreversible deterioration of the primary lung tissue; in contrast at the inflammatory manifestations of asthma are reversible (Adam 20-23). Asthma is a chronic pulmonary disorder characterized by inflammation of the major airways of the lungs and has a complex etiology. The recurring inflammatory episodes result in hyper-responsiveness of airway vessels that causes tissue swelling with many physiological consequences (Adam 44). These episodes cause symptoms of wheezing, tightness of the chest, coughing and restricted airflow that result in

The Removal of the Compulsory Retirement Age Essay Example for Free

The Removal of the Compulsory Retirement Age Essay However, our superannuation system is in a transition phase, and some the details of the changes are contained in the table below: Age regulations and qualifications governing superannuation and social security systems 55| Age to which superannuation entitlements are compulsorily preserved. From age 55, preserved superannuation becomes available upon retirement. For people aged 55 to 60 years, Regulations under the  Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Act 1993  (SIS regulations) define retirement as permanent withdrawal from the workforce. A phased increase in the superannuation preservation age to 60 is to begin in 2015 and will affect people born after 30 June 1960. By 2025, people born after June 1964 will be subject to a preservation age of 60 years. | | People aged 55 years and over can access a range of social security pensions and benefits depending on their circumstances, e. g. Disability Support Pension, Newstart Allowance, Carer Pension and Widow Allowance. From September 1997, superannuation assets of those aged 55 and over were taken into account under the income and assets tests after 9 months on income support (pending legislation). 60| Under SIS Regulations, after age 60, retirement may be taken to have occurred upon cessation of a period of gainful employment even if the person intends to re-enter gainful employment. Current qualifying age for Mature Age Allowance. | 61| Womens current qualifying age for age pension. The age pension age for women is being slowly increased to 65 over the next 17 years (reaching 65 years in July 2013). | 65| Mens qualifying age for age pension. | 70| From 1 July 1997 people were allowed to continue to contribute to a regulated superannuation fund up to age 70, provided they are gainfully employed for at least 10 hours per week over the year. | http://wiki. answers. com/Q/What_is_the_workplace_compulsory_retirement_age_Australia http://www. alrc. gov. au/publications/2-recruitment-and-employment-law/compulsory-retirement Most people retire at 55 years or over. According to the  Australian Bureau of Statistics, the average age Australians intend to retire is 63 for men and 61 for women. Compulsory retirement at 65 was made unlawful in South Australia in 1993. It is against the law to dismiss staff because of their age unless there is an occupational reason to be a certain age. Most staff cant be forced to retire because of age except: * judges and magistrates must retire at 70 * Australian Defence Force personnel must retire at 65. The average retirement age is likely to increase as we have an ageing population. More workers will move into retirement age and fewer will enter the labour market. As a result, there will be a shortage of workers. Governments and many employers are already trying to encourage workers to stay on longer by offering assistance to older staff and options like  phased retirement. You can retain your staff past retirement age by offering  phased retirement or flexible working conditions. http://www. eoc. sa. gov. au/eo-business/employers/staffing/dismissing-retrenching-and-retiring-staff/retiring-staff/when-do-staf The likelihood of being retired increased with age. For those aged 45-49 years, just 5% were retired, compared to 16% of 55-59 year olds, 68% of 65-69 year olds and 87% of those aged 70 years and over. In 2010-11, 63% of men aged 45 years and over were in the labour force, 33% had retired, and 3% were not in the labour force but had not yet retired. In contrast, 50% of women aged 45 years and over were in the labour force, 39% had retired and the remaining 5% were not in the labour force but had not yet retired. The average age at retirement from the labour force for people aged 45 years and over in 2010-11 was 53. years (57. 9 years for men and 49. 6 years for women). Of the 1. 4 million men who had retired from the labour force: 27% had retired aged less than 55 years; 53% had retired aged 55-64 years; and 20% had retired aged 65 years and over. The 1. 8 million women who had retired from the labour force had retired on average at a younger age than men. The ages at which women retirees had retired from the labour force were as foll ows: 57% had retired aged less than 55 years; 35% had retired aged 55-64 years; and % had retired aged 65 years and over. Of the 2. 2 million retired people who had worked in the last 20 years, 94% had held a full-time job at some stage. For nearly three-quarters (72%) of those who held a full-time job, their last job held prior to retirement was full-time. The remainder worked part-time before retiring. http://www. abs. gov. au/ausstats/[emailprotected] nsf/Latestproducts/6238. 0Main%20Features1July%202010%20to%20June%202011? opendocument;amp;tabname=Summary;amp;prodno=6238. 0;amp;issue=July%202010%20to%20June%202011;amp;num=;amp;view= ttp://jobsearch. about. com/b/2013/03/08/too-old-to-get-hired. htm In advanced and developing economies, ageing populations and low birth rates are emphasising the need for retaining and sustaining competent older workers. This paper examines human resource and governmental policy and practice implications from the contradictory accounts directed tow ards those workers aged over 44 years, who are usually classi? ed as ‘older workers’. It focuses on a key and paradoxical impediment in the workforce retention of these workers. Using Australia as a case study, this paper argues that policies and practices to retain and sustain workers aged 45 or more need to de-emphasise the term ‘older workers’ and reconsider how human resource management and government policies, as well as practices by workers themselves, might pursue longer and more productive working lives for employees aged over 45. It seeks to elaborate the paradox of the (under)valuing of older workers’ contributions and provides direction for retaining and supporting the ongoing employability of these workers. It concludes by proposing that government, industry bodies and sector councils that seek to change employer attitudes will likely require a dual process comprising both engagement with older workers and a balanced appraisal of their worth. Alone, subsidies and/or mandation may well serve to entrench age bias without measures to redress that bias through a systematic appraisal of their current and potential contributions. In addition, to support this transformation of bias and sustain their employability, older workers will likely need to exercise greater agency in their work and learning. Quite consistently across international and national surveys, a pattern emerges of employers and managers holding older workers in low esteem which appears quite entrenched. Indeed, managers’ assessments of older workers are consistently negative, seemingly irrespective of appraisals of their actual performance (Rosen and Jerdee 1988). The evidence from studies across Europe and North America commonly report that employers are far more likely to fund the training of the young and well educated, rather than older workers (Brunello 2001; Brunello and Medio 2001; Giraud 2002). Truly, some northern European countries adopt more positive attitudes towards and claim a strong sense of obligation to older workers as exercised through a set of national policies and practices (Bishop 1997; Smith and Billett 2003). Yet, it is noteworthy that elsewhere the ways in which employers distribute and fund developmental opportunities for their employees, is resistant to legislated (Giraud 2002) and mandated measures (Bishop 1997). Instead, the privileging of youth (and perhaps never more so than when they become a scarce commodity within ageing populations) is that which shapes employers’ decisionmaking about the distribution of sponsored workplace-based opportunities for learning. The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1251This suggests that government intervention by pressing or subsidising employers to employ older workers will not be suf? cient, unless the attitude of employers can in some way be transformed. Australian studies of attitudes towards older workers report similar ? ndings to those reported elsewhere. One study concluded that ‘regardless of the perceived more positive qualities of older workers , employers appear to prefer to recruit employees in the younger age groups for most employee categories’ with ‘minimal interest in recruiting anyone over 45 years for any job and no preference for anyone 56 years or older’ (Steinberg, Donald, Najman and Skerman 1996, p. 157). Despite the increasing recognition of the looming labour shortage at that time and following it, such attitudes appear to have been slow to change. Yet, such attitudes are quite potent. Taylor and Walker (1998, p. 44) concluded that ‘workplace perceptions about older workers (and different groups of older workers) may directly in? uence not only their prospects for gaining employment but also their prospects for development and advancement within an organisation’. A 2003 guide by the Business Council of Australia (BCA) identi? ed numerous ‘readily accepted negative stereot ypes of mature-age workers’, including their lacking motivation and enthusiasm, being close-minded, more susceptible to injury and illness, having outdated skills, less capable, unwilling to take on new training or challenges, risk averse and having less potential for development (p. 2). Yet, the issues raised by the BCA (2003) pose dif? culties in generalising about employer attitudes and practices. In a telephone survey of some 1000 enterprises in the business services sector, which included computer, legal, accounting and employment services, Bittman, Flick and Rice (2001) found no clear pattern of negative attitudes towards employing older workers. They claimed (p. vii) that ‘despite [employers’] reputation for favouring younger, risk-taking innovators, the study revealed a preference for a diverse workforce of intelligent, reliable, team workers with industry rather than computing experience’. However, Gringart, Helmes and Speelman (2005) claim the methodology used in that study did not allow respondents to systematically stereotype workers on the basis of age. Moreover, the business service sector may well be one of those better disposed to employing and supporting older workers than many others, as its work may be more age tolerant than others. Across a range of industries, a survey of 8000 Australian employers found the most proactive recruitment for mature age workers was in the ? ance sector (47% of ? rms), compared with only 32% in information technologies and 24% in telecommunications (Deare 2006). This kind of difference indicates that employer attitudes are not uniform in their application or intensity, across industry sectors. For instance, in their 2001 study, Gringart and Helmes found that older female jobseekers were discriminated against more than males. Yet, 4 years later, the researchers (Gringart et al. 2005) found no signi? cant gender difference. They concluded rather baldly that the sample of 128 ‘hiring decision makers’ in businesses of up to 50 employees was generally unlikely to hire older workers. These studies indicate that employer attitude is central not only to recruiting and retaining older workers, but also in advancing support for maintaining their employability through opportunities to further develop and apply more widely the knowledge they have learnt. Indeed, Howell, Buttigieg and Webber (2006, p. ) concluded that senior management’s support for diversity and effective utilisation of older workers as part of the retail workforce resulted in age-positive practices by those managers who supervise older workers. Nonetheless, in its own way, this kind of endorsement indicates, ? rstly, the importance of attitudes being premised on the basis of informed accounts of performance and not age bias and, secondly, that these attitudes can change. 1252 S. Billett et al. Such change in attitudes would n eed to be broadly applied across decision-making in businesses. For instance, the BCA (2003, p. 8) claimed that voluntary retirement is often seen as a workforce management tool, but that such policies are often based on age alone, and that consideration is not given to the employees’ skill and experience pro? les. The depth and pervasiveness of the employer discrimination against older workers are illustrated further in the BCA’s (2003, p. 11) ? ndings which suggest that recruitment agencies may actually practise ‘ageism’ when shortlisting applicants for their clients, a claim denied by the agencies (Hovenden 2004). Certainly, some of these agencies promote mature age employment through their websites. One of them commissioned a report on the implications of the ageing population in the Australian workforce that described ageism as ‘a particularly insidious form of discrimination’ (Jorgensen 2004, p. 13). Recommending that employers needed to confront their own prejudices, Jorgensen also suggested (p. 13) that ‘policy approaches that deal with ageism also need to be carefully framed so as not to stigmatise older workers, isolate younger workers or impose obligations on older workers who simply do not have the health or desire to continue in full time or part time employment’. It follows from here that in the current social and ? nancial environments, speci? c and targeted policies and sustained initiatives are likely to be required to change attitudes about older workers’ occupational capacities and employability across their working lives. However, these initiatives will need to overcome a range of societal and workplace barriers for the maximum retention of and full utilisation of these workers’ capacities. Key barriers here include a societal preference of privileging youth over age across countries with advanced industrial economies. This preference manifests itself in workplace practices of not only favouring the employment of younger workers, but also directing far more resources towards their development than older workers, among other groups (Brunello 2001; Brunello and Medio 2001). These preferences seem powerful and enduring. Even evidence suggesting that older workers are as capable as other workers and have the very attributes employers claim to value, seemingly fail to change management’s views, i. e. f those who employ and make decisions about workers’ advancement and access to development opportunities. Some might argue that this preference will change as older workers become an increasingly common element of the workforce and a necessity for employers. Countering such a claim is the prospect that a scarcity of younger people may well lead to greater enterprise competition for and sponsorship of younger and well-educated workers and more intense resourcing of these workers and away from o lder workers. Moreover, despite the growing presence of older workers in the Australian workforce over the last 20 years, little appears to have changed in terms of employer preference or workplace responses to their growing participation. Salient here is the comparison of older workers with women workers. Despite their increasing participation in the workforce, women workers across a range of national workforces have struggled to secure worthwhile work conditions, despite legislative arrangements associated with equal opportunity (Cavanagh 2008). Therefore, unless signi? ant changes occur in both the attitudes towards and Australian employers’ practices, older workers may well increasingly struggle to secure worthwhile work, and opportunities for the development and advancement required to retain them in socially and economically vital work and improve their effectiveness in that work. Indeed, there are potentially strong negative consequences here. Consequences of negative employer attitu des and practices There are both personal and societal costs of employer attitudes and practices that discriminate unreasonably against older workers. These costs include the limits in range of The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1253employment options for these workers and dif? culties becoming employed. Indeed, a consequence of policies designed to promote a deregulated and ? exible labour market is the growing distinction between ‘core sector jobs’ (‘good’ jobs that require high skills, offer decent wages and provide bene? ts such as support for training and development) and ‘peripheral sector jobs’ (‘dead end’ jobs that require few skills, offer poor wages and few bene? s, as well as little in the way of job security) (Kossen and Pedersen 2008, p. 5). Given such a bifurcation, the great risk is that older workers will be seen as only being employable in the peripheral sectors. This may well be particularly true for the range of options that are available for many older workers. Challenging the notion of meritocracy in the labour market, Kossen and Pedersen ( 2008, p. 6) cite research indicating that older workers who have been excluded from employment ‘experience far greater dif? culty in rejoining the core orkforce’. The point here is that older workers may have greater dif? culty securing worthwhile work when they re-enter the workforce. Indeed, the negative attitudes that older workers experience may well contribute to the widespread ‘culture’ of early retirement in Australia (Encel 2003) in which workforce participation by those over 55 is considerably lower than in many other OECD countries (ABS 2007) as these workers fail to ? nd meaningful employment, and withdraw from the labour market. A recruiting agency (Adage, n. d. 1) concluded that mature age workers are more likely to ‘experience the compounding effect of being out of the workforce resulting in being seen as less employable’. Another agency reported that nearly three-quarters of 2000 baby boomers surveyed believed that it is nearly i mpossible to get a job after age 45 (Brinsden 2007). The studies cited above, along with a range of other research ? ndings (see OECD 2006a, 2006b; Syed 2006; Kossen and Pedersen 2008) con? rm that age prejudice is alive and well in Australian workplaces, and likely play out most heavily on those who are currently out of employment. Consequently, a priority for policy is to ? nd ways of supporting unemployed older workers’ re-employment, and in worthwhile work, and ? nding ways of praising their worth that can transform the attitudes of their employers. Yet, others suggest that factors other than age alone play key roles in decision-making, particularly that such decisions are based on a business case, not on ageism. In an Equal Opportunity Commission seminar, Ranzijn (2005, p. 1) argued that ‘in general, age discrimination is not a function of a negative attitude towards older workers, but based on an implicit cost/bene? analysis’. The OECD (2006a, 2006b, p. 10) also noted that a dif? culty for employers with older workers is ‘wages and non-wage labour costs that rise more steeply with age than productivity’ and also that there are ‘shorter expected pay-back periods on investments in the training of older workers as well as their lower average educational attainmentâ€℠¢. Perhaps, because of such imperatives, Encel (2003, p. 4) warned that age discrimination is ‘commonly covert and evasive and easily masked’. Similarly, Bittman et al. (2001, p. 6) reported to an Australian House of Representatives inquiry into older workers’ unemployment that the latter were consistently advised that they were ‘over quali? ed for lower positions and under quali? ed for higher positions’. Whatever the reasons advanced by employers for not retaining or employing mature age workers, Ranzijn (2005, p. 8) pointed out that the changing demographics of the workforce will inevitably mean that employers will have to resort to older workers in order to maintain productivity, a point also made by the OECD (2006b) based on a multi-nation survey. However, such a pragmatic and expedient premise may not be the best one to proceed with. Despite becoming increasingly essential for the production of goods and services, older workers will continue to be seen as ‘last resort workers’: at the bottom of employers’ preferred kind of workers (Quintrell 2000). Employees categorised in this way will often be a low priority for employer-sponsored development opportunities and support in the 1254 S. Billett et al. workplace (Billett and Smith 2003) of the kinds required to retain them and further develop their capacities. Hence, even if the government supports the re-employment of older workers, it is likely that within the workplaces the opportunities are still likely to be shaped by a cultural preference where youth is championed and privileged, and where age is seen as a natural decline (Giddens 1997). Therefore, older workers cannot be con? dent of being afforded the kinds of employer support required to maintain their workplace competence and successfully negotiate work transitions. Moreover, given the privileging of youth, it is unlikely that older workers will make demands for employer-funded training, lest they reinforce the sentiment of being a liability. Analogously, Church (2004) refers to disabled workers who have particular needs for support, yet are strategic and cautious in their demands for workplace support, including that from their co-workers, lest they be seen as liabilities in cost-conscious work environments. Nevertheless, the widely held view among employers that older workers are less able and in? xible, and offer limited return on developmental opportunities is questioned by data arising from informants with direct experience of these workers. McIntosh (2001), for instance, notes that enterprises actually employing older workers value their contributions in quite distinct ways: survey responses of nearly 400 American employers and human resource development managers characterised older workers as: (a) being ? exible and open to change, (b) ha ving up-to-date skills, (c) interested in learning new tasks and (d) willing to take on challenging tasks. Furthermore, 68% of the respondents concluded that training older workers costs less or the same as training their younger counterparts; 57% reported that age does not affect the amount of time required to train an employee (14% disagreed) and 49% believed that older workers grasp new concepts as well as younger workers (18% disagreed). In all, this survey portrays older workers as ideal employees, which confounds the sentiment behind practices that distribute employer-funded support away from these workers. The exercise of this sentiment may also re? ect the contradictory and confusing discourse that many older workers experience and try to understand in the workplace: they are essential to maintain the production of goods and services, yet discriminated against in terms of the opportunities afforded them. Despite the suggestion in the survey reported by McIntosh (2001), few studies effectively describe the reaction and role of older workers to the changing nature of work processes. Indeed, McNair, Flynn, Owen, Humphreys and Wood? ld (2004) claim their surveys indicate that most workers reported not being given assistance to negotiate new work roles and new work as their work life transforms. Hence, this reinforces not only the lack of support, but also the need for and apparent success of these workers being able to independently develop their capacities. Consequently, policies and practices by government, industry bodies and industry sector interests may have to interweave both suppor t for older workers’ re-employment or continuing employment, with processes that also attempt to transform the views and perspectives of employers. Yet, sitting in here also is the need to develop and support these workers’ capacities to be agentic learners, i. e. in line with their own interests and intentions (Billett and vanWoerkom 2006). Direct subsidies may well indeed reinforce the perspective that positions older workers as being de? cient and worthy of societally incurred subsidies, and places employers as being only able to employ and promote the interests of these workers when such subsidies are available. It would then seem that policies and practices are needed to both engage employers with older workers and promote their worth to employers in a way which incrementally in? ences their decision-making. It is these kinds of engagement and development that will be required to both overcome and transform well-entrenched preferences. The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1255All of the above points to the importance of identifying what has to be done to effectively retain older workers and develop their employability. Added here is the prospect that the fewer available younger workers will be in high demand and, as such, are unlikely to select low-status occupations such as aged care. Hence, and as noted, a key consideration for approaches to improving policy and practice for older workers is shifting employer attitudes towards a more positive accounting of the capabilities and potentialities of these workers. Policy reform is needed to respond to engage and inform to secure such a shift. Therefore, it is helpful to identify what has been done to bring about such changes, policy wise. References Adage (n. d), ‘Why Adage Targets Mature Professionals,’ www. adage. com. au Ainsworth, S. (2001), ‘The Discursive Construction of the Older Worker Identity: A Re? ction on Process and Methods,’ Tamara: The Journal of Critical Postmodern Science, 1, 4, 29–46. Australian Bureau of Statistics (2004), ‘Paid Work: Mature Age Workers,’ Australian Social Trends, series, catalogue no. 4102. 0, June 15, Canberra, ABS. Australian Bureau of Statistics (2007), ‘Skilling Mature Age Australians for Work,’ Year Book Australia, ca talogue no. 1301. 0, February 7, Canberra, ABS. Australian Bureau of Statistics (2008), ‘Population Projections – a Tool for Examining Population Ageing,’ Australian Social Trends series, catalogue no. 4102. 0, June 15, Canberra, ABS. Australian National Training Authority (2004), Increasing the Vocational Education and Training Participation and Achievement of Older Workers: Ideas for Action, Brisbane: ANTA. Billett, S. (2010), Promoting and Supporting Lifelong Employability for Singapore’s Workers Aged 45 and Over, Singapore: Institute for Adult Learning. Billett, S. , and Smith, A. (2003), ‘Compliance, Engagement and Commitment: Increasing Employer Expenditure in Training,’ Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 53, 3, 251–269. Billett, S. , and vanWoerkom, M. (2006), ‘Older Workers and Learning Through Work: The Need for Agency and Critical Re? ction,’ in Promoting Lifelong Learning for Older Workers – an International Overview, eds. T. Tikkanen and B. Nyhan, Cedefop Reference Series 65. Luxembourg: EUR-OP, pp. 177–189. Bishop, J. H. (1997), ‘What We know About Employer Provided Training: A Review of the Literature,’ Research in Labour E conomics, 16, 19–87. Bittman, M. , Flick, M. , and Rice, J. (2001), ‘The Recruitment of Older Australian Workers: A Survey of Employers in a High Growth Industry,’ UNSW, Report for Department of Family and Community Services, Social Policy Research Centre, Sydney. Brinsden, C. 2007), ‘Mature-age Workers Pessimistic Over Future,’ The Australian, 9 July, online. Brunello, G. (2001), ‘On the Complementarity Between Education and Training in Europe,’ IZA discussion paper 309, Forschungsinstituit zur Zukunft der Arbeit- IZA, Institute for the Study of Labour, Zurich. Brunello, G. , and Medio, A. (2001), ‘An Explanation of International Differences in Education and Workplace Training,’ European Economic Review, 45, 2, 307–322. Business Council of Australia (2003), Age Can Work: A Business Guide for Supporting Older Workers, Melbourne: BCA. Cavanagh, J. (2008), ‘Women Auxiliary Workers’ Learning and Discovering â€Å"Self† Through Work,’ in Emerging Perspectives of Learning Through Work, eds. S. Billett, C. Harties and A. Etela? pelto, Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishing, BV, pp. 67–82. The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1259Church, K. (2004), ‘Dancing Lessons: A Choreography of Disability in Corporate Culture,’ Paper presented at the WALL Annual Meeting, Toronto. Colebatch, T. (2009), ‘Retirement by 70 a Fading Hope for Many,’ The Age, 25 February, online. Deare, S. (2006), ‘IT and Telecomms Inactive on Mature Workers,’ ZDNet Australia. www. zdnet. com. au/news/business/soa/IT-and-telecomms-inactive-on-mature-workers/0,139023166, 139251015,00. htm Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations (2008), ‘Outcome 8: Workforce Participation,’ DEEWR Budget Statements – Outcomes and Performance. www. deewr. gov. au/ deewr/Publications/Budget Department of Employment and Workplace Relations (2005), Workforce Tomorrow, Canberra: DEWR. Dymock, D. , Billett, S. , Martin, G. , and Johnson, G. 2009), ‘Retaining and Sustaining the Competence of Older Workers: An Australian Perspective,’ Paper presented at the conference, Lifelong learning revisited: What next? June 24–26, Stirling University, Scotland. Encel, S. (2003), ‘Age Can Work: The Case for Older Australians Staying in the Workforce,’ A report to the Australian Council of Trade Unions and the Business Council of A ustralia, Sydney. Giddens, A. (1997), Sociology (3rd ed. ), Cambridge: Polity Press. Giraud, O. (2002), â€Å"Firms† Further Training Practices and Social Exclusion: Can Industrial Relations Systems Provide Greater Equality? Theoretical and Empirical Evidence from Germany and France,’ in Education, Training and Employment Dynamics: Transitional Labour Markets in the European Union, eds. K. Schoman and P. J. Connell, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, pp. 300–303. Gringart, E. , Helmes, E. , and Speelman, C. (2005), ‘Exploring Attitudes Toward Older Workers Among Australian Employers: An Empirical Study,’ Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 17, 3, 85–103. Hovenden, D. (2004), ‘Fishy Memories on Ageing Workforce Crisis,’ Human Resources Magazine. www. humanresourcesmagazine. com. au/articles/15/0c019a15. asp Howell, S. Buttigieg, D. , and Webber, W. (2006), ‘Management Attitudes to Older Workers in the Retail Sector,’ Monash Business Review, 2, 3, 1–10. Jorgensen, B. (2004), The Ageing Population: Implications for the Australian Workforce, Sydney: Hudson Global Resources and Human Capital Solutions. Kossen, C. , and Pedersen, C. (2008), ‘Older Workers in Australia: The Myths, the Realities and the Battle over Workforce â€Å"Flexibility†,’ Journal of Management and Organization, 14, 1, 73–84. McIntosh, B. (2001),An Employer’s Guide to Older Workers: How to Win Them Back and Convince Them to Stay. ww. doleta. gov/Seniors/other_docs/EmplGuide. pdf McNair, S. , Flynn, M. , Owen, L. , Humphreys, C. , and Wood? eld, S. (2004),Changing Work in Later Life: A Study of Job Transitions, London: University of Surrey, Centre for Research into the Older Workforce. Naegele, G. , and Walker, A. (2006), A Guide to Good Practice in Age Management, Dublin: European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions. Naughtin, G. (2008), ‘Social Inclusion and Older People,’ in Social Inclusion Down Under: Symposium Proceedings, Brotherhood of St. Laurence. www. sl. org. au/naughtin_symposium_ paper_26Jun08. pdf Neville, I. (2008), ‘The Australian Labour Market: Challenges and Resp onses,’ Seminar presentation, Canberra, Labour Supply and Skills Branch, Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations. www. gemspl. com. au/bipartite2008/Proceedings/ Ivan%20Neville%20Presp. pdf NSW Labor (2008), ‘Supporting Older Workers,’ 9 July, NSW Labor. www. nswalp. com/blog/358/ supporting-older-workers Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2006a), ‘Live Longer, Work Longer: A Synthesis Report,’ Summary. Paris: OECD. www. oecd. org/els/employment/olderworkers. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2006b), Live Longer, Work Longer: A Synthesis Report, Paris: OECD. Price, R. , and Colley, L. (2007), ‘Assessing HR Strategies for Retaining an Aging Workforce,’ in 15th International Employment Relations Association Conference: Working Lives, Working Choices, July, 9–13, Canterbury, England. Queensland Government (2008), Experience Pays Pack, Brisbane: Department of Employment and Industrial Relations. 260 S. Billett et al. Quintrell, M. (2000), ‘Older and Wiser; or Just at the End of the Line? ’ Westminster Studies in Education, 23, 19–31. Ranzijn, R. (2005), ‘Discrimination Against the Older Worker: Psychology and Economics,’ Paper presented at seminar, ‘Of Working Age,’ May, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Sydney. Rolland, L. (2007), ‘Ageing and Work in 2030: In or Out of Our Hands? ’ Paper prepared for forum, ‘Ageing 2030 – Creating the future,’ Sydney, NSW Government. Rosen, B. , and Jerdee, T. H. 1988), ‘Managing Older Workers’ Careers,’Research in Personnel and Human Resources Management, 6, 37–74. Smith, A. , and Billett, S. (2003), Enhancing Employers’ Expenditure on Training, Adelaide: National Centre for Vocational Education Research. Steinberg, M. , Donald, K. , Najman, J. , and Skerman, H. (1996), ‘Attitudes of Employees and Employers Towards Older Workers in a Climate of Anti-Discrimination,’Australian Journal on Ageing, 15, 4, 154–158. Syed, J. (2006), ‘Older Workers in Australia: A Policy Perspective,’ Journal of Economic and Social Policy, 1, 11, 21–43. Taylor, P. , and Walker, A. (1998), ‘Employers and Older Workers: Attitudes and Employment Practices,’ Ageing and society, 18, 641–658. The Treasury (2010), ‘Australia to 2050: Future Challenges,’ (Intergenerational Report), Canberra, Australian Government. Tikkanen, T. (1997, May), ‘Consequences of Unemployment on Professional Competency,’ Paper presented at the Nordic Conference on Adult Education, Trondheim, Norway. Tikkanen, T. , Lahn, L. , Ward, P. , and Lyng, K. (2002), Working Life Changes and Training of Older Workers, Trondheim: Vox. an Dijk, T. A. (2008), Discourse and Power, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Victorian Government (2005), ‘The Ageing Workforce,’ The State of Working Victoria Project, Information Paper No. 4, Melbourne. Weller, S. (2007), ‘Discrimination, Labour Markets and the Labour Market Prospects of Older Workers: What Can a Legal Case Teach Us? ’ Work, Employment and Society, 21, 417â⠂¬â€œ437. Wooden, M. , VandenHeuvel, A. , and Cully, M. (2001), Barriers to Training for Older Workers and Possible Policy Solutions, Adelaide: DETYA/NILS, Flinders University The International Journal of Human Resource Management, Vol. 22, No. 6, March 2011, 1248–1261 Employees. Theyre the one thing that businesses everywhere have a need for. And not just employees, but employees who are honest, responsible, dependable, loyal, focused, organized and mature. Is this too much to ask? U. S. employers spends millions of man hours each year placing ads, prescreening and interviewing candidates, and hiring and training workers, only to find that many of the employees they hire work for them for just a ew months only to decide they dont want to just be a clerk anymore or feel something betters come along as they work their way up the corporate ladder. So where can businesses find a dependable, steady workforce that has no plans to move up and out? A workforce dedicated to the job at hand and that takes pride in its work? Who will cost them less to hire, train and maintain? The answer? Older workers. Below are twelve reasons why hiring older workers can he lp you maintain a reliable, dedicated workforce and provide a significant cost savings for both the short and long term. . Dedicated  workers produce higher quality work, which can result in a significant cost savings for you. Stories abound of highly committed older workers finding others potentially costly mistakes regarding everything from misspelling of client names to pricing errors and accounting mistakes. 2. Punctuality  seems to be a given for older workers. Most of them look forward to going to work each day, so theyre likely to arrive on time and be ready to work. 3. Honesty  is common among older workers, whose values as a group include personal integrity and a devotion to the truth. 4. Detail-oriented, focused and attentive  workers add an intangible value that rubs off on all employees and can save your business thousands of dollars. One business owner I know once told me that one of his older workers saved his company more than $50,000 on one large mailing job. The 75-year-old clerical worker recognized that all the ZIP codes were off by one digit. Neither the owners mailing house nor his degreed and highly paid marketing manager had noticed it. 5. Good listeners  make great employees because theyre easier to trainolder employees only have to be told once what to do. 6. Pride in a job well done  has become an increasingly rare commodity among younger employees. Younger workers want to put in their time at work and leave, while older employees are more willingly to stay later to get a job done because of their sense of pride in the final product. 7. Organizational skills  among older workers mean employers who hire them are less likely to be a part of this startling statistic: More than a million man hours are lost each year simply due to workplace disorganization. 8. Efficiency and the confidence  to share their recommendations and ideas make older workers ideal employees. Their years of experience in the workplace give them a superior understanding of how jobs can be done more efficiently, which saves companies money. Their confidence, built up through the years, means they wont hesitate to share their ideas with management. 9. Maturity  comes from years of life and work experience and makes for workers who get less rattled when problems occur. 10. Setting an example  for other employees is an intangible value many business owners appreciate. Older workers make excellent mentors and role models, which makes training other employees less difficult. 11. Communication skillsknowing when and how to communicateevolve through years of experience. Older workers understand workplace politics and know how to diplomatically convey their ideas to the boss. 12. Reduced labor costs  are a huge benefit when hiring older workers. Most already have insurance plans from prior employers or have an additional source of income and are willing to take a little less to get the job they want. They understand that working for a company can be about much more than just collecting a paycheck. Any business owner whos hesitant to hire an older worker should consider these twelve benefits. Older workers unique skills and valuesand the potential savings to your company in time and moneymake hiring them a simple matter of rethinking the costs of high turnover in a more youthful workforce vs. the benefits of experience and mature standards older workers bring to the mix. You simply do not have the time or resources to deal with high employee turnover. The next time you need to make a hiring decision, you should seriously consider older workers: Their contribution to your company could positively impact your bottom line for years to come. Stephen Bastien isa business consultant and an expert on leadership and managing employees. Hes the author of  Yes, One Person Can Make a Difference  and  Born to Be. Having started several successful businesses, his current venture, Bastien Financial Publications, provides businesses with the latest developments on fast-growing and distressed companies nationwide through his daily newsletters. Visit his site  for more information on his financial publications, books or consulting services. Read more:  http://www. entrepreneur. com/article/167500#ixzz2QXXcMEQO

The history and effects of child sexual abuse

The history and effects of child sexual abuse Child sexual abuse is definitely not a new or modern phenomenon and even though it was not necessarily acknowledged before the 1800s, it does not mean that it did not exist. Throughout history, documentation about child sexual abuse has existed, with references especially to Greek and Roman civilisations, as well as in colonial America and Europe (Bolen, 2002). Jean-Claude Chenais (1981), in a study using multiple data sources has been pivotal in the attitude changes in Western societies over the issue of child sexual abuse over the last hundred years. His studies have shown that due to a number of different contributing factors, in some European countries like Germany and France, child sexual abuse was so frequent as to be considered normal (Bagley King, 2004). As cited in Bolen (2002), in his research on classical childhood analysis of different historical eras, DeMause (1988), states that: The history of childhood is a nightmare from which we have only begun to awaken. The further back in history one goes, the lower the level of child care, and the more likely children are to be killed, abandoned, beaten, terrorised and sexually abused. In her research of historical child sexual abuse, Florence Rush has found that it is predominantly a phenomenon of the patriarchal systems in history, where children were considered as property of the father. In Talmudic law it is the tradition that a female daughter can be betrothed by her father by means of sexual intercourse after the age of three. Even though not encouraged, sexual acts including intercourse with a child younger than three years is not a crime. Such sexual activity with young girls was not discouraged by the Catholic Church either in history, as in a Papal decree of the sixth century stated that for a marriage to be valid it was copulating that was the overriding factor and consent only desirable. The age of the girl was taken into consideration for the purpose of betrothal where if the girl was not at least seven years old than this was considered invalid. Also, through history we find however that sexual abuse was not limited only to girls. Especially in Greece , it was popular to use boys for sex. It was also common to castrate young boys and buy or sell them as sex slaves (Bagley King, 2004). In its broad sense, child sexual abuse is when an older person forcibly engages in sexual activity with a child. The definition of the terms sexual assault on children or child molestation is different in different legal jurisdictions (Rowan, 2006). As cited in Kinnear (2007), child sexual abuse is defined by Fraser (1981) as being the exploitation of a child for the sexual gratification of an adult, whilst Baker and Duncan (1985) claim that [a] child (anyone under 16 years) is sexually abused when another person, who is sexually mature, involves the child in any activity which the other person expects to lead to their sexual arousal. In their 2003 report on the maltreatment of children, the Childrens Bureau of the US Department of Health and Human Services defines it as the involvement of the child in sexual activity to provide sexual gratification or financial benefit to the perpetrator, including contacts for sexual purpose, molestation, statutory rape, prostitution, pornography, exposure, incest, or other sexually exploitation activities (U.S. Department for Health and Human Services, Administration for Children, Youth and Families, 2005). The age of consent is also different from one country to another. However, it is commonly understood, that a child is not able to understand or willingly consent to sexual experiences with an older person. It is also acknowledged that there exists sexual experimentation between young people and therefore molestation charges are only enforced when the older person is sixteen or eighteen and that child is three or five years younger (Rowan, 2006). There are certain factors which categorise sexual encounters as abuse according to the World Health Organisation. As well as the age difference it also includes in the definition the misuse of a position of authority by the adult which then leads to sexual acts. The child must also be unwilling to participate in such acts even if he or she did not offer resistance. It also requires the attempt to touch the genitals or breasts of a child or make the child touch the ones of the adult. If the adult attempts to touch the child by exposing himself or if the child is undressed, made to, as well as the attempt to seduce or tempt to take to another place whilst psychology threatening the child (Fegert, 2003). Sociological definitions of child sexual abuse differ from the clinical or legal ones and whilst some are universally acknowledged some are less so even though equally important and influential (Lawrence, 2004). One of the definitions widely accepted by child protection services is that of Schechter and Roberge and it states that Sexual abuse is defined as the involvement of dependent, developmentally immature children and adolescents in sexual activities they do not truly comprehend, to which they are unable to give informed consent (Schechter Roberge, 1976). When researching child sexual abuse, it is common to associate this with the phenomology of pedophilia. When assessing and treating sex offenders however, professionals know that it is important to explore different variables that have an important role in such deviant sexual behaviour. The sexual preference and history, including any of crime or violence, are taken into consideration. Any other disorders such as endocrine or neuropsychological ones as well as any other biological factors are to be explored (Langevin, 2003). By definition, a pedophile is generally an individual who for no less than a period of six months fantasises about having sexual encounters with young children or is sexually aroused by the thoughts of such fantasies. Usually the sexual urges of such individuals are focused on children younger than thirteen years of age. Pedophiles can be frustrated from these urges and often suffer from interpersonal difficulties because of these sexual impulses. However, even i f not necessarily always the case, some pedophiles will act upon such fantasies and are usually only apprehended or brought to attention because of this. Most pedophiles are usually not necessarily disturbed enough about such fantasies about children and as a consequence do not seek voluntary medical help (Hall Hall, 2007). The key factor in the assessment of pedophilia is the age of the children for whom interest is shown. In its most strong forms, exclusivity is shown towards prepubescent children with no sexual urges or interest in other adults. Not all pedophiles however commit sexual offences with child victims and not all sex offenders with children are pedophiles (Seto, 2004). Dr Langevin (2003) noted however, that even though there seem to be a number of factors that are common between pedophile priests and other pedophiles in terms of sexual preferences, pedophile priests generally have less antisocial behaviour characteristics. In light of the huge amount of media coverage of the clergy abuse crisis in the last few years, it seems that even though much interest by the community has been sparked on the topic, little research has been carried out by psychological and clinical bodies. This may be due to a long existing mutual indifference between the Church and the mental health field. Only a few studies have actually addressed the issue of the pedophile priest or the priest who sexually abuses children. Despite the surmounting media coverage and attention of the issue providing an alarming public assumption that most priests are pedophiles, an American study estimated however that only 2% of priests are pedophiles whilst another 4% being ephebophiles. However, it is also taken into account that a probably large number of sexual abuse cases by the clergy are not reported (Plante, 1999). Michael Rezendes (2002), part of the Boston Globes Spotlight Team was one of the first journalists who brought attention to t he issue of child sexual abuse allegations against the American clergy. A year of investigations carried out by this team resulted in the resignation of Cardinal Bernard Law on the 13th December, 2002. This was mainly due to the exposure of a series of shortcomings and mistakes, in his handling of a well known pedophoile in Boston; Rev John J. Geoghan, where after being reported of sexual misconduct with children, he was reassigned. However, it was clear that Geoghn was only a sign of a more serious problem. The Spotlight Team investigated further into the Archdiocese of Boston and by the time of Laws resignation, had published over 800 stories. An earlier singular case which also received worldwide publicity however dates back to 1984, where Fr Gilbert Gauthe of Lafayette, Louisiana was charged on multiple counts of child sexual abuse. This was the first criminal case of its kind to receive such level of media attention and publicity and also was the first time that a civil suit was initiated against a diocese on the grounds of failure to protect children from a known abuser in its clergy (Murphy, Buckley Joyce, 2005). Dr Richard Sipe, a psychotherapist and psychiatrist as well as a former Roman Catholic Priest, wrote extensively on the subject of child sexual abuse and reports that even as early as 1976, before the big scandals broke out on the media, there opened a programme, the first, perhaps, in the world dedicated to the treatment of psychosexual disorders for clergy. This included the treatment of disorders which involved the sexual abuse of children. The need for such a programme and its preparation, years before i ts opening, shows that knowledge of Catholic Clergy who had problems of sexual misconduct was already widespread in the 1960s and 70s (Sipe, 1995). With such an increasing interest in the phenomenon of priests as sexual abusers of children, the Catholic Church seemed to be spiralling into a crisis as portrayed so by the media, with an increasing number of people coming forward with new allegations all over the world. Philip Jenkins (2001), as cited in Dokecki (2004) explores the terms of moral crisis as opposed to moral panic. In order to fully understand weather the Catholic Church was being victimised by a new panic born out of media frenzy or if the panic was due to a moral crisis deeply rooted in actual facts and reality of the problem, one must also explore the issue in its full context. It is worth noting and reflecting upon the possibility of child abuse scandal by clergy as being a classic example of social construction. This is not to belittle the seriousness of priests com mitting such lewd acts with children, but it is more a manner of asserting how the media portrayal of such events can impact the way it shapes the social response to it (Jenkins, 2001). The way that this issue in the US has been widely covered and reported by the media, it has undoubtedly generated a growing popular feeling of mistrust in the church. This might have been a trigger in the claim that the Catholic Church has been inefficient in its response to such abuses and allegations, as the increasing number of cases began to crop up all over America as well as the rest of the world. By 2004, the time of the Globes investigation of the Boston cases, it was reported that between 1950 and 2002, four thousand three hundred priests were alleged to have abused or molested almost eleven thousand children or adolescents (Paine Hansen, 2002). A study of child abuse committed by clergy which was conducted by the John Jay College for the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops in 2002 recorded these figures. However, this only reflects the numbers for those victims who actually reported their abuse and came forward to the Church authorities. Studies have shown that a great number of victims, especially males, never come forward to disclose their abuse to anyone and even more never report it to the authorities. It is also important to note that not all dioceses participated in this study and not all kept official and accurate records (John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2002). In the matter of establishing whether the problem of child sexual abuse by clergy in the Catholic Church is just moral crisis as opposed to just moral panic, numbers alone do not suffice. It is often normally recognised for organisations and public entities to take defensive measures when dealing with such serious accusation against its employees or members. Most importantly the defense would most certainly be targeted against a blanket condemnation of the whole organisation. Sometimes, such corporations genuinely fail to recognise and acknowledge the fact that the destructive effects of such allegations have deeper roots than simply moral panic (Dokecki, 2004). Studies of other organisations entrusted with the care of children show that the prevalence of child sexual abuse is also of concern. In his study as reported in The Washington Times (1991), Patrick Boyle outlined that between 1971 and 1989 there were one thousand, one hundred and fifty seven reports of child sexual abuse out of a million volunteers (all adults) and four million member scouts; with the majority believed to be boys aged between eleven and seventeen. Case studies also seemed to indicate that in order to safeguard the image of the Boy Scout organisation, certain information was covered up in order to prevent the possibility of a crisis scandal. The police were not involved if the alleged abuser left the organisation. However, it was common practice for these offenders to move to other states and join new troops whilst those reported to the General Headquarters still managed to bypass the system and re-roll in new States (Boyle, 1994). Other studies of different organisa tions for youths and children also show sexual abuse incidents reported. These include institutions like the Big Brother Organisation, the YMCA as well as other athletic organisations and centres for child care-giving in day care institutions or families. In sporting organisations, the perpetrators were found to be involved in the majority of cases with a school; i.e., teachers or principals who appeared to have multiple victims, with one coach reported to have four hundred counts of sexual abuse. The majority of these cases occurred in the US, the UK and Ireland. In both the sports organisations and the Big Brother one, however, it seemed that legal action was taken against the perpetrators and screening processes put in place for all future volunteers (John Jay College, 2002). As seen from the community, the sexual abuse crises in the Catholic Church presented a larger moral shock than any other abuse scandal, predominantly because of the social status priests hold within the same community. The priest is believed to be not merely a man serving the pastoral functions for his church, but also a delegate of Christ on Earth. The priest is often held in a position of trust within society; where people look upon him as a source of comfort and advice. In Catholic communities the clergy are viewed as central and present in everyday life through their work within the parish and as reference points for the safeguarding of the souls (Cozzens, . However, priests do not only function in a society as preachers of the word of God. In most cases, they will take on the role of therapists, care-givers and educators. They do not only earn their loyalty from the altar, but mainly from being there for the sick, the troubled, the dying and the dead. It is understood, because o f such an intimate involvement in social and community life, that any case of sexual abuse by a member of the clergy will have relational and social implications as well as personal ones (Frawley-ODea, 2007). According to Lebacqz (1985), from an ethical perspective, priests are professionals and as such, a relationship of mutual trust needed. The clergy however go beyond our normal understanding of their sacramental office and thus in the relationship between priest and child, the typical power discrepancy is significantly amplified. This is so because the context of the relationship is the church and also the professional is a priest and the client a child (Dokecki, 2004). From their early years children are socialised to view the Church as a mother and a priest as a fatherly figure; hence also priests being called father.

Fate Playing a Role :: English Literature Essays

Fate Playing a Role The Way Fate Plays a Role in the Characters of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet and Macbeth There are many definitions for the word fate. The definition of the word fate in the New Webster’s Dictionary is a power that supposedly predetermines events. Also fate means something that is unavoidable. It is meant to happen and cannot be changed. According to Shalvia, the tragic story of Romeo and Juliet has a sense of cruel fate in it. (510). In Shakespeare's Macbeth and Romeo and Juliet, fate plays an important role in the lives of many of the characters in the story. One site of fate in Romeo and Juliet is when Romeo finds out that Rosaline has sworn never to marry. This hurts Romeo a lot and he suffers. Then Romeo is told to go to the Capulet’s house for a party by a clown. Many times in the play the two families have to confront each other in situations. Their first encounter that is seen in the play is after the prince has come to stop the chaos on the streets after being told of the quarrels going between the two families. The two families pay for their quarreling at the end of the story. (Shakespeare â€Å"Romeo and Juliet† 31) Even though the families are fighting, Romeo happens to be invited to the party at the house of the enemy. This is nothing but pure fate. Benvolio tells Romeo to find a different girl and forget Rosaline. Benvolio tells Romeo this to convince him to go to the party: At this same ancient feast of Capulet’s sups the fair Rosaline, whom thou so loves, with all the admired beauties of Verona. Go there and with unattainted eye compare her face with some that I show, and I will make thee think thy swan a crow. (Shakespeare â€Å"Romeo and Juliet† 46) In the quote Benvolio is trying to tell Romeo that there will be other beautiful girls at the party that he can compare their looks with Rosaline’s and he says that Romeo will realize there are better girls than Rosaline in the world. Romeo ends up going to the party and seeing Juliet, which is also fated. Romeo could have fallen in love with any girl at the party. But would the other girl have died for him and made the story meaningful like it is.

The Obstinate Toy Soldier in Mere Christianity Essay example -- C.S. L

In C.S. Lewis' book Mere Christianity, The Obstinate Toy Soldier is a chapter with good points. Lewis takes his reader step by step through this chapter. In paragraph one he talks about how humans are consumed with the here and now, so people do not really think about what would have happened if humans never fell. Paragraph two is about how natural life and spiritual life are not just separate, but opposing sides. Lewis says this because people are born one way and God wants them another way. If these two sides, natural and spiritual life, combined then the way people normally do things would be destroyed in the process. It is like the analogy about the people who were brought up dirty and are afraid to take a bath. Lewis states in paragraph three that if we were to try and make a toy soldier human, that the toy would not see it as helping it, but as trying to destroy it. In some ways people see God this way even though he is trying to save our souls. Paragraphs four and five shed so me light on who Jesus was. According to C.S. Lewis he was a real man of particular attributes and ever...

Evacuation, Second World War Coursework Essay

Source B shows the negative sides and is more personal that the first source. Extracted from an interview with a teacher in 1988, the teacher remembers being evacuated with the school children. The interview was made in 1988 many years after the war so the lady would be of old age. Her memories may be woolly and not of great accuracy, and as it will have been written up by the interviewer it is secondary information. She may be influenced on her views of evacuation after the war; and so be biased against it, even though it saved so many lives at the time. She describes the children as being ‘too afraid to talk’, which I feel may have been true. Children were being taken away from their families and boarding a train where neither themselves or the teachers knew where they were going, as the teacher quotes ‘we hadn’t the slightest idea where we were going and we put the children on the train and the gates closed behind us’. The worry and anxiety affected the parents above all, and from this source it suggests that the mothers ‘pressed against the iron gates calling ‘good-bye darling’. Even though they were told not to come they trailed behind desperate to spend the last moments with their children. Mothers were persuaded into letting their children go by the government and the propaganda around at the time and were even considered selfish if they did not allow their children We do not know who the source is written by, just that it is from an interview. There does not seem to be a real purpose to this interview, but just to perhaps contribute the information gathered to a history book or other merely informative purposes, as the interview took place so long after the war was over. There would be no need therefore for the lady to lie or twist the truth purposefully. And no purpose of the interviewer to convert her information into propaganda or such, so I thin the interview is fairly trustworthy to that extent Source C was written in 1973 and was published a long time after the end of the war. This makes it a secondary source, as it has not come directly from the mouths of the children or the foster parent. Written by a lady presumably for the purpose of educating children on evacuation, language and content is dulled slightly to be more appropriate for children. If it had been a book for adults it would have been described differently. The children would not have ‘giggled’ but would have been offended by the automatic presumption of poverty. They may have even explained that their slippers would not fit in the case. Written for children, no bad points would have been inserted and simple language will have been used. The source may lose reliability due to being edited for children as children are not to be exposed to the negative side of evacuation. This is not a source, which shows the failure or success or evacuation, but if it was to highlight one over the other I would say it shows the successes mostly. I know from other information that one of the main products of evacuation was the sudden realisation from the middle class of the poverty and poor education of children and adults living in the slums. Shown here in the source the woman does presume they are too poor to have slippers, and is embarrassed that she presumed they would own some. Even though the children giggle about it, it is very serious that some children evacuated were too poor to have slippers and some too poor to form the necessary kit of items required. The kindness of the foster parent towards the children and the understanding of her taking them both acknowledging they were siblings show other successes of evacuation. However this was not always the case. Another foster parent may have been negative towards the child or children, and some foster -parents only had room for one.